In 1958, the British sociologist Michael Young published a satirical novel called The Rise of the Meritocracy. The book imagined a future Britain governed entirely by measured ability, IQ tests and educational attainment determining who got which jobs and what position in society. The novel was dystopian. Young intended meritocracy as a warning. By the 1990s, almost every political party in the anglophone world had adopted it as an aspiration. The word lost its irony; it became the thing everyone claimed to want.
Young was furious. He wrote a newspaper essay in 2001 saying that every government invoking meritocracy had misread his book. Then he died, and the word continued its triumphant career as universal political aspiration. This should probably tell us something.
The Strong Version Is False
In its strong form, your position in society reflects your abilities and effort, full stop, meritocracy is clearly not descriptively accurate. Parental wealth correlates heavily with educational outcomes. Educational outcomes correlate heavily with professional success. Parental wealth correlates with parental wealth. The transmission of advantage across generations is well-documented, consistent across countries, and happens through mechanisms (connections, cultural capital, unpaid internships, confidence, time) that have nothing to do with merit in any useful sense. If the strong version of meritocracy were true, you'd expect these correlations to be much weaker than they are. They are not weak.
The stronger claim, that outcomes across society are primarily determined by effort and ability, is false in a way that's measurable, not just philosophical.
Why It Persists Anyway
The persistence of meritocratic belief is not primarily due to ignorance of the correlations. Most educated people are aware that outcomes are unequal and that opportunity is unequal. The belief persists because a myth that occasionally comes true is enough to sustain itself. Someone who grew up without advantages and achieved something did so through real effort and real ability. They are evidence for meritocracy that they can see and feel. The people who didn't make it, equally capable, less fortunate, are evidence against it that is less visible, less present, less felt. Availability bias does a lot of work here.
There's also a motivated component. Meritocracy is an unusually convenient belief for people who are doing well. If outcomes reflect merit, your success reflects your merit, which is flattering and psychologically comfortable. If outcomes reflect a combination of merit, luck, inheritance, and structural advantage, your success is partly attributable to things you didn't earn, which is less comfortable. The correlation between success and belief in meritocracy is not coincidental.
The Real Problem
The issue with meritocracy is not that merit doesn't matter. It does. Competence and effort produce real advantages, all else being equal. The problem is that "all else being equal" is never satisfied in practice. Merit and opportunity are so thoroughly entangled, good schools produce better test scores; confidence from stable childhoods produces better interviews; networks from elite universities produce better job offers, that isolating merit from advantage is not possible at the population level.
This means that policies designed to "reward merit" without also addressing the distribution of opportunity are policies that systematically reward the people who were already advantaged. Not because they're designed to do this maliciously, but because merit as measured tends to track opportunity as experienced.
Meritocracy isn't a lie. It's an imprecision used as a cover story, one precise enough to be occasionally true and flexible enough to justify almost anything.
Disagree? Say so.
Genuine pushback is welcome. Personal abuse is not.
